Rebel Songs: The Vocal and Prefigurative Functions of Music in Occupy Wall Street

by Allison Masson

A New York Times article from November 2011 referencing the anti-war lyrics of the 1960s asked of Occupy Wall Street, “Where have all the protest songs gone?”(1). Following the previous wave of social movements in the United States that included the Civil Rights Movement, the Vietnam protests, the second-wave feminist movement, and the environmental movement, an anthem was expected to rise from the crowds that gathered in Zuccotti Park in 2011. Music has always been critical to the American image of social movement. From Marian Anderson’s performance on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in 1939 to Pete Seeger’s fishing boat- “Clearwater”- from which he advocated in song for a clean Hudson River, the music of the movement was instrumental to its outcome and has become fundamental to its legacy and memory.

 

    While there is no one song that serves as an “anthem” of Occupy Wall Street, arguably, nor is there one song that successfully summarizes what the Occupy movement stands for (2),  music serves multiple functions both in Zuccotti Park and in the broader public space “occupied” by the movement members- the airwaves. There was no single musician who rallied support to implement a new vision of democracy. Rather, the music functioned to voice a message that opposed established hegemonic structures and prefigure the society Occupiers desired.

 

What Occupiers Want

    To understand how music voices and prefigures the goals of the Occupy Movement, the goals of Occupy Wall Street must be defined. However, they ambiguous, individualistic, and expressed in action.

    Drawing its spark from the string of global extra-political occupation movements in opposition to corrupt, unaccountable governments in Cairo and Madrid, among other cities in 2011, the Canadian journal Adbusters posted a call on its blog for an occupation of Wall Street: a Tahir Square movement in Manhattan. The initial complaint was the corrupting influence of money and powerful corporations in government, which are supposed to be accountable to the people (3). This initial call closes with the assertion that the people need to “start setting the agenda for a new America (4),” eventually evolving into the opposition to the concentration of power and wealth summarized by the slogan “We are the ninety-nine percent."

    While the opposition to the operation of the federal power structures and their disconnect from the people served as the initial political identity of Occupy and was maintained as the overarching movement message, the particular issues promoted within the movement created the political agenda of the people that the initial Adbusters post demanded.  Particular issues voiced and debated included opposing the outsourcing of jobs, defending collective bargaining, reforming tax laws, improving care of veterans, limiting congressional terms, defending freedom of speech on the Internet, supporting alternative energy, opposing vertical authority structures, and combating racism, xenophobia, and sexism (5). The abundance and diversity of policy issues supported within the movement highlight the variation rather than commonality of participants and their subjectivities, but the process of the occupation itself tells that the movement did not focus as primarily on the particular issues as it did on the general re-envisioning of the civil and political imaginary.

    Within Zuccotti Park, participants lived in a community that in its schedule, structure, and interactions opposed that of the everyday American of 2011. Through the communalized nature of most previously independent or hierarchical activities such as obtaining food, being educated, recreating, and governing, the Occupy movement re-envisioned a civil imaginary where values were not centered on and daily lives were not structured around relationships with people, labor and time that reflected the hegemonic American ideal of what it takes to individually achieve the “American Dream.” It re-envisioned the political imaginary by creating a system of community government that included the voice of every corner of the Zuccotti Park population, requiring unanimity to pass legislation, and rotating representatives to the General Assembly to ensure that the decisions were reflective of the full population (6). In this sense, the living and governing processes that were implemented within the bounds of Zuccotti Park prefigured the society the occupiers sought to create. In the words of Occupier Megan Sheridan, “The process is the message” (7).

    The music of Occupy functions as a voice for the particular policy demands within the movement and the overall opposition to concentrated, disconnected political and corporate power, and as a prefiguration of a re-envisioned society. The Occupy soundtrack, “Occupy this Album,” though not widely popular, displays the subjectivities behind the voices of the Occupy message, while broadcasting the overall call for reform of the misuse of wealth and power. The creation of music on the ground prefigures the re-envisioned civil and democratic society of the Occupiers through the open and participatory structure of the Drum Circles, the Guitarmy, and the OWS Ladies’ Choir. The overall music element of Occupy fundamentally opposes hierarchy, both at the particular level by avoiding contribution to the hierarchy of the music industry, and more broadly by prefiguring a society that is horizontal as opposed to vertical.

Occupy This Album: The Voices as One but not the Same

    Music in a community can reinforce and create commonalities. When a group of diverse people identify with a particular song, sound, or set of lyrics, they inherently contribute to a solidification of group identity. Music becomes the consensus: the voice of the group despite their differences. Identification with a type of music or a certain message can express sentiments beyond the superficial: shared values, beliefs, and experiences. It can also act to reinforce diversity, however. As musicians write, sing, and play through their own individual backgrounds, identities, and beliefs, they inherently distinguish their music and personalize their message by displaying their subjectivities (8).

    Music for Occupy, a 501 C3 non-profit record label and music production organization sponsored by the Alliance for Global Justice, produced a ninety-nine track album in 2012 to celebrate music performed by and for the Occupy movement. Occupy This Album’s intentions were to “further cultural awareness, social responsibility, and develop a deep social consciousness for all who listen” (9). These objectives do not align perfectly with the initial objectives from which Occupy Wall Street originated, rather they summarize the particular social aims of the prefigurative living within the park. The lyrics of many of many of the album’s tracks express such broad social objectives as well as announce a call-to-action, demanding that people engage in the movement.

Yo La Tengo & the Lost City Rumblers, in their “Big Fish,” metaphorically express their destructive aspiration for large, corrupt government and corporations- the “big fish” -in contrast to the “little fish” who “swims upon the rocks” with “holes in their socks.” They sing “I hope you drown big fish/ I hope the dish of brown water in which you swim dries up…” implying their qualms with the one percent power-wielders without any mention of opposition to specific policies (10,11).               

Likewise, the first song of the album- Matt Pless’ “Something’s Got to Give,” says “May the towers of the tyrants crack and crumble into dust/ may ten million voices learn to sing as one,”(12) again emphasizing the desire for the redistribution of the power of the one percent and the need for collective action. The call for this action comes at the end, when Pless breaks the fourth wall: “So tell your brothers, tell your sisters/ It may take some time but something’s got to give” (13,14).              

“Love Anthem” by My Pet Dragon expresses the need for a society based on love,  coming the closest of most of the tracks to expressing the broad social objectives of the Music of Occupy. The lyrics “You can’t dance on the backs of the poor/ You can’t dance like that no more”…. “Only love can save us now” present the push for social consciousness and social responsibility in action without expressing any specific policy objections or goals (15,16).              

In several tracks, the voicing changes when broad themes and calls-to-action are being expressed. Generally this change is characterized but the sudden use of a chorus of voices as opposed to one individual. Richard Barone’s “Hey, Can I Sleep on Your Futon,” employs many voices chanting in its bridge when the melodic instruments drop out: “It's time to unite and fight as one/ Join the circle and bang the drum/ Going to take back what they took away/ The moment is here and it's here to stay” (17).  The use of a multitude of voices emphasizes ideas that are generally agreed upon by all participants regardless of their particular complaints or subjectivities. (18).              

    The broad, overarching themes of Occupy- those expressed in the initial instigation by Adbusters of discontent with the concentration and corruption of power the American government and corporations as well as those expressed in the mission of the Occupy album- are expressed in the lyrics and certain musical elements. However, Jason Samuel, by creating a non-specific mission for his album, also left room for specifics to surface: for artists to speak through their own “subjectivities” and create an agonistic space, which is ideal for democratic discourse according to Mouffe.

    Zuccotti Park, upon occupation, became what Chantal Mouffe and Hannah Arendt call an “agonistic space,” though they have disparate ideas of what defines such a space. According to Arendt, in agonistic public spaces, people exist on the same level to create an end of consensus. Agreement in the Arendtian agonistic space are produced not through argument but through persuasion aimed at mutual understanding (19).

    Mouffe’s criticizes the goal of consensus as inherently hegemonic and therefore inherently marginalizing. Her definition of an agonistic space lies in its end, which is not meant to be compromise, but rather recognition and acceptance of human plurality as necessary for deliberative democracy (20). The human plurality displayed in Zuccotti Park is evidenced through the diversity of the movement participants as they contribute to the voice of the movement. The Occupiers were 61% female and 37.5% male, closely split among age groups with the plurality age 25-44, majority college-educated with about 30% holding graduate degrees and 10% with high school education or lower, nearly half with income below $25,000 annually and the other half split approximately 20/30% respectively between making $25,000-$49,000 and making over $50,000. The protesters were also divided in their political identification; 2.4% identified as Republican, 27.4% identified as Democrat, and 70.2% identified as independent, which reveals little about the content of their political leanings (21). The subjectivities behind the message of Occupy Wall Street become most evident when they are voiced rather than calculated. Similarly to the physical occupation of Zuccotti Park, an agonistic space is created in the occupation of airways, and the voice inherent to this occupation exhibits the subjectivities of the activists within the tracks of the album.

    Mouffe also explains that art can contribute to creating the agonistic space for deliberative democracy when it presents ideas that challenge dominant hegemony. The practical employment of such an idea is to use the art to give a “voice to all those who are silenced within the framework of the existing hegemony” (22).  The occupation of airwaves by the tracks of Occupy this Album functions to challenge the dominant hegemony in music by serving as a voice for those whom the movement perceives as victims of socially unconcerned government and corporations.

Again, Richard Barone’s “Hey, Can I Sleep on Your Futon,” tell several narratives of individuals who are marginalized by government policies. The first is of a man who returns from serving in the military and finds no assistance from the government available. “Two tours of Afghanistan and one in Iraq/ I gave 'em six years and I got nothing back/ Trying to make things better and to be a good dad” (23). A second story tells of a girl who left home to start a music career, which failed. The third narrative is of a man disillusioned with his employment: “I got a job at Neiman's in bonds and sales/ Twelve hour days in a cubicle jail/ They said it was too big to fail” (24). The stories culminate in the individuals being unable to pay their rent, implicitly evicted and asking, “Hey, can I sleep on your futon?” (25).  As noted by the repetition of the chorus, the three individuals share the same general message- a desire for a change in the relationship between the government and the people: the one percent and the ninety nine. But the subjectivities behind these voices are distinct. (26).

“We Can’t Make it Here Anymore,” by James McMurty, much like “Hey, Can I Sleep on Your Futon,” shares narratives of economically marginalized Americans. McCurty sings “That big old building was a textile mill/ fed our kids and it paid our bills/ But they turned us out and they closed their doors/ We can’t make it here anymore” (27).  Later, he continues his first narrative: “Stocking shelves in a Walmart store/ Just like the ones we made before/ Except this one came from Singapore/ Guess we can’t make it here anymore” (28). The subjectivity that McCurty reveals in his song brings to light the plight of the marginalized workers- those once employed by small industry which was assumed by a giant, multinational corporation, whose job was outsourced to Singapore. Within the overall dissatisfaction conveyed in the title lies the specific implications- the subjectivities from which the general message arises (29).                 

Ani DiFranco’s “Which Side Are You On,” highlights hyperspecific discontents, strongly contrasting the generality of the Music of Occupy mission. Modernizing and rewriting the traditional protest tune, DiFranco mentions an amalgam of complaints against the American hegemony, including demanding “An end to war,” citing the impact of “The curse of Reaganomics,” and declaring “The free market is anything but free/ It costs dearly to the planet and the likes of you and me,” and calling for “A little socialism” (30). Finally, she reaches her narrative: “My mother was a feminist, she taught me to see/ The road to ruin is paved with patriarchy/ So let the way of women guide democracy/ And from blunder and pollution, let mother earth be free.” Difranco’s narrative expresses her subjectivity- her family background in social movements from which developed her feminism and social justice orientation (31).                 

The amalgam of specific demands within the Occupy movement arise from the individual stories, backgrounds, identities, and histories of those who self-identify with the ninety-nine percent. Therefore one of the primary criticisms of the movement- that it had no unified message- results from Occupy’s structure as a Mouffian agonistic space in action. The diversity of participants linked only definitively by their identification as a part of the ninety-nine percent- is evidence of this, and from diversity rises diverse specific identities and policy demands. According to this logic, the music that voices these subjectivities serves as an agonistic space where diverse bodies seek to exist but not compromise or combine, and where those marginalized by the structure of the existing hegemony can be seen (32).

    The choice of bodies to voice both the general message and the subjectivities within Occupy were a strategic selection by Music for Occupy. Executive director Jason Samel reveals in a documentary that one of his primary motivations was to “get in ear and get in the minds and the soul again of the baby boomers, because without the baby boomers, I don’t think we can survive as a movement and I don’t think all of our struggles will be answered in the right way” (33). The familiarity and fame of many of the names on Occupy This Album’s track list are striking given the movement’s claim to be for the needs of the common people. Names such as Pete Seeger, Arlo Guthry and Family, Ani Difranco, Third Eye Blind, Yoko Ono, and Willie Nelson, while being prominent musicians, invoke the sound of the movements of the sixties, seventies, and eighties, strategically targeting the nostalgia for the generation that likely has the most experience in social movements.  

Participation and Prefiguration: Music on the Ground

    Occupy This Album was only one element of Occupy music culture. In Zuccotti Park, music, like many other aspects of community, was created directly by the participants. This music, instead of serving primarily as a function of voice, served as a function of prefiguration- applying to the arts the same process applied to governing: one of inclusion, participation, and expression regardless of background or skill. As dwelling in the park superimposed an Arendtian aesthetic of democracy, so the process of music creation, in contrast to the Western music appreciation model, produces an aesthetic of democracy. Through the participatory nature of music production and the opposition to music industry hierarchy in process, petition, and production of the Occupy album, music in and around Zuccotti Park prefigured a more democratic society as outlined by Hannah Arendt.

    According to Arendt, “The space of appearance comes into being wherever men are together in the manner of speech and action” (34). She refers to this coming together as “human action in concert,” (35) distinguishing between the commonly synonymous definitions of “action” and “work” where action is not necessarily materially productive. Contrary to Mouffe, Arendt argues that common understanding is necessary for action in concert (36), and common understanding can only be derived by superimposing a level equality on which individuals exist, communicate, and therefore, through deliberative democratic discourse, arrive at a consensus (37). This sort of deliberative democracy that melds subjectivities into one common identity and ultimately one unanimous decision is prefigured in the governing of Zuccotti Park and in the music, which strives to disregard uncommon musical background by focusing on the common ability to create music and contributing to the single-purpose chorus of action.

    Drum circles served primarily to prefigure a more democratic and participatory society. The video recordings of drum circles both within and outside the borders of the park showed skilled musicians and non-musicians alike banging rhythmically on drums, cowbells, barricades, frying pans, and other objects, tapping feet, waving flags, dancing, and playing other non-membranophonic instruments as crowds gather around to either appreciate the music or find the source of the noise (38). John Pietaro, describing his participation in the drum circle, recalled,

The first time I sat in with the pulsating mass of a drum circle, I realized the distance our message could carry. How voluminous the voice of a determined, unified group! We breathed as one through percussion and this was evidenced by the reactions of the beaming, dancing passerby, often wearing designer suits and Italian shoes but sharing in a historic moment with this band of rad rhythmatists. (39, 40).               

The act of occupying both public land and public airwaves to create an artistic project that anyone, regardless of background could participate mirrors the participatory nature of the creation of laws and regulations within the park community- a prefiguration of the relationship between people and government that Occupy sought to live out from a small privately owned and publically accessible park in New York. As the General Assembly functioned leaderlessly (41), so did the drum circle; no conductor stood at the front and guided the musicians in their performance to create unity, no sheet music composed and distributed by one talented man for profit was used to create aesthetically pleasing sound. The inclusive nature of the drum circle and the concept that the rhythm and melody (if present) were set by the participants is foundationally the premise of direct democracy and a product of Arendt’s “action in concert” (42).

Pietaro’s observation emphasizes the unity of the group- the idea that a group of strangers with subjectivities, diverse levels of musical experience, and diverse contributions to the performance could together create a sound and appearance that was not an eclectic mismatch of independent sounds and images, but a single chorus: one voice in action, meaning and intention. While it would appear that such a group performance would emphasize the subjectivities that contributed to the individual’s musical capabilities, Pietaro asserted that the group’s ideological consensus- what they were performing for- created the Arendtian end of a space of democratic appearance- unity (43).

Naturally, the physical nature of performing on the same level also contributed to the aesthetic of democracy. In contrast to the Western performance model in which an audience sits quietly while a performer showcases fine musical ability from upon a stage, the physical playing of instruments on one ground level and the visual of participation of individuals who simply did not “know how” to play an instrument created an aesthetic of democratic participation.

Ironically, some participants expressed that the drum circle players would be the downfall of Occupy Wall Street. An anonymous source revealed to a reporter for the Atlantic that the drummers were not a cohesive group: that there was much argument among the participants and that many Occupiers who opted not to take part in the music wished to limit the number of hours drummers could drum for the benefit of the community. While terms were agreed upon, a group of “rogue drummers” consistently disregarded these compromises, resulting in public discontent with the noise disturbance and the waning support of city officials who previously worked to meet the physical needs of the participants (44).

    Another participatory musical group called “Guitarmy,” classifies themselves as an “open ensemble for protest and solidarity in sound” (45). Its objective is unsurprisingly similar to that of the drum circles. It “celebrates the origin of the word ‘amateur’ as ‘lover of,’ and asserts that playing together and sharing song is a way to model a more democratic, participatory society” (46). The mission expressly concedes to its prefigurative nature. (47).                                   

    Unlike the drum circle, the Guitarmy emphasizes participation in songs written to voice the message of the movement. The people gathered to perform Willie Nile’s “One Guitar” on May 1, 2012 in Bryant Park used guitars, voices, and rhythmic instruments to repeat the chorus over and over. Ironically, the men standing on the platform appear to function as leaders of the performance, though their objective appears to be to encouraging participation of the masses rather than direct the creation of music. While some of Guitarmy’s performances take place in the streets, the Bryant Park event’s aesthetic of democracy is diminished by the physical elevation of the Guitarmy leaders. By using established songs with lyrics, Guitarmy inherently unifies the voices of those who choose to participate into a consensus, given the participants believe in what they sing and the participatory structure of society and government that the ensemble attempts to prefigure. However, this prefiguration is hampered by the fact that the music performed isn’t a product of the people as it is in the drum circles.

Opposition to Music Industry Hierarchy

    Occupy music also prefigures the fundamental opposition to hierarchy: hierarchy that opposes the Arendtian equality from which deliberative democracy and unity can emerge. This opposition is prefigured in the “horizontal, leaderless, consensus-based open meeting” (48) structure of the General Assembly, and further prefigured in Occupy’s opposition to the music industry.

    The Occupy Wall Street Ladies Choir was formed as a leaderless ensemble to promote the movement through collective voicing. By creating their own music for the enjoyment of those living in Zuccotti Park, the women fundamentally opposed the music industry by opting out of playing music from an album produced by one of the few mainstream record labels for entertainment or inspiration (49). Instead, they joined with the efforts of Guitarmy and the drum circles to create music outside of the hierarchical structure. Greta Gertler, the organizer of the Ladies Choir, commented on the conscious opposition, saying:

I feel that the music industry provides an example of the problems that OWS is seeking to address, having long operated in a hierarchical manner driven by major corporate interests, propelling a miniscule percentage of musicians to mega-stardom, while many struggle week-to-week to get by, without health insurance. This is just one example of MANY issues that need to be addressed. (50).

The women of the choir also collectively chose and arranged the songs they perform each week, prefiguring the opposition to hierarchy even in their repertoire selection (51).

    Outside of the music creation on the ground, the production process of Occupy This Album attempted to circumvent traditional pathways of production to avoid feeding the music industry hierarchy. Music of Occupy, having 501 C3 status, produced the album under its own non-profit record label, though distribution was handled by the Sony Distribution Channel (52).

    A direct voicing (non-prefigurative) expression of opposition to the hierarchy was the online petition circulated among musicians who agreed, “We, the undersigned musicians and all who will join us, support Occupy Wall Street and the Occupy Movement around the World.” The petition broadly defines “musician” to mean sound engineers, artists, producers, instrumentalists, composers, lyricists, DJs, and others working in the general field of music (53). The petition functioned as the voice for the opposition, while the horizontal process of musical creation prefigured a fair expression of music free of the industry’s hierarchy and corporate influence.

Conclusion

    Occupy Wall Street was not an artistic movement, and artistic movements do not alone topple oppressive structures. “It would be a serious mistake to believe that artistic activism could, on its own, bring about the end of neo-liberal hegemony,” (54) asserts Chantal Mouffe. But in the streets of New York City, in the camp at Zuccotti Park, and in the CD players of remote activists, Occupy Wall Street’s music culture was an opportunity to be a part of the ninety-nine percent both in unity and solidarity and in plurality of background and experience. It was an opportunity to join in collectively opposing the “corporatocracy” (55) and living out a re-envisioned society founded most basically in relationship and humanity while voicing specific objections, identities, alignments, and demands within the movement umbrella. And music arose as a primary tool for voicing those particular identities through subjective narratives of marginalization, ultimately creating an agonistic space of both subjective plurality and commonality. 

 

Notes

  1. David Bauder, "Occupy Wall Street: Music Central to Protest," Huffington Post, November 13, 2011, accessed December 13, 2015, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/11/13/occupy-wall-street-music_n_1091176.html.
  2. Ibid.
  3. Manuel Castells, "Occupy Wall Street: Harvesting the Salt of the Earth," in Networks of Outrage and Hope: Social Movements in the Internet Age, 2nd ed. (Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2015), 162, PDF
  4. Ibid., 163.
  5. Ibid., 188-189.
  6. Castells, "Occupy Wall Street: Harvesting," in Networks of Outrage and Hope, 181-189.
  7. Ibid., 187.
  8. Mark Mattern, Acting in Concert (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998), 19-21.
  9. "About," Music for Occupy, http://www.musicforoccupy.org.
  10. Occupy This Album, Music for Occupy, 2012, compact disc.
  11. "Big Fish," video file, 3:21, YouTube, posted by #YoLaTengo, September 24, 2015, accessed December 15, 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F87qEKsWJfg&feature=youtu.be.
  12. Occupy This Album.
  13. Ibid.
  14. "Something's Got to Give," video file, 4:17, YouTube, posted by #MattPless, November 8, 2014, accessed December 15, 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E2sYwC-jDmQ&feature=youtu.be.
  15. Occupy This Album.
  16. "Love Anthem," video file, 3:59, YouTube, posted by #MyPetDragon, November 9, 2015, accessed December 15, 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hjhVos8L3Kg.
  17. Occupy This Album.
  18. "Hey, Can I Sleep on Your Futon?," video file, 4:23, YouTube, posted by #RichardBarone, November 5, 2015, accessed December 15, 2015, https://youtu.be/XVVvhwtFJ6M.
  19. Chantal Mouffe, "Artistic Activism and Agonistic Spaces," Art and Research1, no. 2 (Summer 2007): accessed December 13, 2015, http://www.artandresearch.org.uk/v1n2/mouffe.html.
  20. Ibid.
  21. "Demographics of Occupy Wall Street Movement," Occupy Theory, last modified December 12, 2013, accessed December 13, 2015, http://occupytheory.org/demographics-of-occupy-wall-street-movement/.
  22. Mouffe, "Artistic Activism and Agonistic."
  23. Occupy This Album.
  24. Ibid.
  25. Ibid.
  26. "Hey, Can I Sleep," video file.
  27. Occupy This Album.
  28. Ibid.
  29. "We Can't Make It Here Anymore James McMurtry, Joan Baez & Steve Earle," video file, 6:02, YouTube, posted by OccupyMax, August 2, 2012, accessed December 15, 2015, https://youtu.be/6c17YOiY63U.
  30. Occupy This Album.
  31. "Which Side Are You On?," video file, 6:04, YouTube, posted by #AniDiFranco, September 25, 2014, accessed December 15, 2015, https://youtu.be/Utx22G7BJK0.
  32. Mouffe, "Artistic Activism and Agonistic."
  33. "The Movement And The Music -Trailer - Coming Soon," video file, 7:13, YouTube, posted by Music Movement Records, December 1, 2012, accessed December 14, 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gQdrogY-iO0.
  34. Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1958), 203.
  35. Ibid., 244
  36. Arendt, The Human Condition, 175-176.
  37. Ibid.
  38. "Occupy Wall Street Drum Circle Near Mayor Bloomberg's House," video file, 1:14, YouTube, posted by AmNewYork, November 20, 2011, accessed December 15, 2015, https://youtu.be/VrD4P-J3NS0.
  39. John Pietaro, "The Pulse of the Revolution," Occupy Musicians, accessed December 13, 2015, http://www.occupymusicians.com/2012/01/05/by-john-pietaro/
  40. "Occupy Wall Street Drum," video file.
  41. Castells, "Occupy Wall Street: Harvesting," in Networks of Outrage and Hope, 182-183.
  42. Arendt, The Human Condition, 175-176.
  43. Pietaro, "The Pulse of the Revolution," Occupy Musicians.
  44. Megan McCardle, "Occupy Wall Street vs. The Drum Circle," The Atlantic, October 25, 2011, accessed December 14, 2015, http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2011/10/occupy-wall-street-vs-the-drum-circle/247366/.
  45. "About Us/ Contact Us," Guitarmy, accessed December 14, 2015, http://guitarmy.org/.
  46. Ibid.
  47. "Occupy Guitarmy Performs Willie Nile's 'One Guitar' in Bryant Park," video file, 3:06, YouTube, posted by SocialMediaChimps, May 2, 2012, accessed December 15, 2015, https://youtu.be/36ezrU0k1Nw.
  48. Castells, "Occupy Wall Street: Harvesting," in Networks of Outrage and Hope, 182.
  49. Greta Gertler, "About OWS Ladies' Choir," Occupy Musicians, accessed December 13, 2015, http://www.occupymusicians.com/2011/12/06/about-ows-ladies%E2%80%99-choir/.
  50. Ibid.
  51. Gertler, "About OWS Ladies' Choir," Occupy Musicians.
  52. "About," Music for Occupy.
  53. "Occupy Musician's Petition," Occupy Musicians, accessed December 13, 2015, http://www.occupymusicians.org.
  54. Mouffe, "Artistic Activism and Agonistic."
  55. Castells, "Occupy Wall Street: Harvesting," in Networks of Outrage and Hope, 103.

 

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“Occupy Musician’s Petition.” Occupy Musicians. Accessed December 13, 2015. http://www.occupymusicians.org.

Occupy This Album. Music for Occupy, 2012, compact disc.

Pietaro, John. “The Pulse of the Revolution.” Occupy Musicians. Accessed December 13, 2015. http://www.occupymusicians.com/2012/01/05/by-john-pietaro/.

Wordpress. “About.” Music for Occupy. http://www.musicforoccupy.org.

Video Bibliography

“Big Fish.” Video file, 3:21. YouTube. Posted by #YoLaTengo, September 24, 2015. Accessed December 15, 2015. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F87qEKsWJfg&feature=youtu.be.

“Hey, Can I Sleep on Your Futon?” Video file, 4:23. YouTube. Posted by #RichardBarone, November 5, 2015. Accessed December 15, 2015. https://youtu.be/XVVvhwtFJ6M.

“Love Anthem.” Video file, 3:59. YouTube. Posted by #MyPetDragon, November 9, 2015. Accessed December 15, 2015. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hjhVos8L3Kg.

“Occupy Guitarmy Performs Willie Nile’s ‘One Guitar’ in Bryant Park.” Video file, 3:06. YouTube. Posted by SocialMediaChimps, May 2, 2012. Accessed December 15, 2015. https://youtu.be/36ezrU0k1Nw.

“Occupy Wall Street Drum Circle Near Mayor Bloomberg’s House.” Video file, 1:14. YouTube. Posted by AmNewYork, November 20, 2011. Accessed December 15, 2015. https://youtu.be/VrD4P-J3NS0.

“Something’s Got to Give.” Video file, 4:17. YouTube. Posted by #MattPless, November 8, 2014. Accessed December 15, 2015. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E2sYwC-jDmQ&feature=youtu.be.

“We Can’t Make It Here Anymore James McMurtry, Joan Baez & Steve Earle.” Video file, 6:02. YouTube. Posted by OccupyMax, August 2, 2012. Accessed December 15, 2015. https://youtu.be/6c17YOiY63U.

“Which Side Are You On?” Video file, 6:04. YouTube. Posted by #AniDiFranco, September 25, 2014. Accessed December 15, 2015. https://youtu.be/Utx22G7BJK0.